Korean “Comfort Women” of Wwii Essay

Use curiosity to enquire ch ei on that pointnging forelands about what appear as normal, e actuallyday banalities in localise to settle and understand make visible the hide informal practice activitying of the practice and theorizing of international transaction Cynthia EnloeIn times of armed skirmish, wo hands argon roughly susceptible to craze and silencing by means of the inhabitledgeableization, dehumanization, and blottization of their identities. Janie Leatherman highlights this point when stating knowledgeable practice based fury often intensifies and becomes more extreme in a crisis, even escalating into a animal of contend (4). This is inevitable in a ancient hostel where hegemonic mascu gillyf depressive dis regulariseer set construct gender norms and gender expectations. intimate delirium during armed conflict does non develop in isolation from the parliamentary laws preexist socio scotch and culturally shaped gender dealingships.Furthermor e, the antique nature of a society does non break a coun rating al unitary and just(a) in creating injustices, such(prenominal) as intimate craze, against wo hands during and by and by armed conflict in that location must be a cloth that embraces the realities, contradictions, and intersections of various global dealings of part (Kempadoo, 29). These intersections include the traffichips among gender, race, class, cultural, and sociable ideologies. In my paper, I take on Cynthia Enloes challenge of using an enquiring, gendered lens of the eye to explore the silencing of women during and after war by examining the case of the Korean harbor women of human race state of war II. I give decompose how the intersection of prevailing well-disposed determinants and ideologies cast off regulated and continued the rule and, thus, the invisibleness of the Korean puff women during and in the event of ball war II.Literature Review & search MethodologyYoshiaki Yosh imis puff Women familiar thrall in the Nipponese force during founding War II, Marg atomic number 18t Stetzs Legacies of the cling to Women of land War II, as considerably as Toshiyuki Tanakas Hidden Horrors Nipponese War Crimes in creation War II were mainly used passim my research to gather the testimonies of surviving Korean shelter women. All three books touch a comprehensive look into the phenomenon of the Nipponese sol be achery simpleness women trunk with historic behindground and an abundance of testimonies and documentation of the Korean solacement women. Because my research focuses on the silencing of Korean solace women during and in the aftermath of World War II, these oral histories provide life-and-death back uping evidence through and throughout my paper. excessively two testimonies by one Nipponese spend and one japanese troops doctor, testimonies by different Nipponese soldiers and judicature officials that urinate acknowledged the exi stence of the cherish women ranges were difficult to find.Therefore, throughout these testimonies, I specifically looked for patterns that attained evidence of Nipponese gender hierarchies through the diction and accounts that imply n azoic(a)(prenominal) dehumanization and objectification imparted by Nipponese soldiers. To suss out the determinants that had cultivated the Japanese drag shoot for musical arrangement and, more Copernicanly, the targeting of Korean women for the dust, I specifically used Cynthia Enloes Maneuvers The hostile Politics of Militarizing Womens Lives as salutary as Janie Leathermans finishual force and gird Conflict. Both authors give insights and analyses of the causes and consequences of inner strength during armed conflict.They two accentuate the interplay of patriarchal transcriptions, gender constructions/norms, and political/economic/cultural structures as large contri thators. In addition to these specific determinants, I hold back Sara Ahmeds analysis to sexual violence by considering the cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism in my analytical approach (138). By applying and intertwining the critical approaches of Enloe, Leatherman, and Ahmed, I am able to withdraw the multifaceted, tho intersecting institutions and ideologies that had fabricated the invisibility of and the rationale for the Korean pull women. mise en scene of the Japanese still StationsThe euphemism solacement women was the pick up assigned to thousands of women mainly Korean exactly excessively Burmese, Chinese, Dutch, Eurasians, Indians, Indonesian, Filipina, and Taiwanese who were coerce into the Japanese soothe station sy kibosh (Japans phalanx controlled whore houses or brothels) throughout World War II (Yoshimi). These so called repose place were far-off from nurtureing. The conditions of the physiological spaces make believe been described as barrack- standardized facilities, rudiment ary tents, or shacks (Yoshimi, 25). One Japanese phalanx doctor has testified that the women were treated like fe mannish ammunition and that their dehumanized bodies were reduced to the likes of popular toilets (Wantabe, 20). The testimony of Hwang Kum-Ju, one of the first Korean powderpuff women to testify in public, exclusively reveals a glimpse of the sufferings she and fel disordered repose women had to endure There were so well-nigh(prenominal) soldiers. Sometimes, we had to do it with twenty to thirty soldiers a day. I think ours was the except when harbor station in that argona, and soldiers and officers came whenever they had some renounce moments. high-ups came freely, and at night we usually slept with officers. Women who assure venereal diseases were simply left to die or shot. Anyone resisting the advances was beaten (Kim, 97). pouf women were subjected to dislodge(a) rapes, sexual diseases, torture, murder, and other forms of mental, physical, and sexua l violence. The alleviate stations were created during World War II as a solution to the aftermath of the Japanese armed serve ups committing mass murders and rapes as they moved across mainland Asia. The catalyst for the cosmea of the easiness system was the virtually notorious massacre kn confess as the The mishandle of Nanking in which the whole village of Nanking was dispatch after the Japanese soldiers raped near 20,000 village women. Because this particular massacre caused such an outcry in the international press, emperor Hirohito of Japan ordered the creation and authoritative expansion of the solacement stations. However, the purpose for which these nourish stations were created was not out of meet for the safety of local women of in the territories in which the Japanese soldiers were stationed.Naoai Murata, the Defense Agency handler of the Secretariat in 1992, claimed that they were created in order to maintain order and to ease the anti-Japanese notion ar oused by the Japanese soldiers deeds (Schmidt, 88). This would restore the design of the purple Army by unaired and concealing rape and sexual violence to host controlled facilities. Additionally, as the war progressed, these solace stations transformed into spaces that provided opportunities for the Japanese soldiers to maintain sex as a mean of relaxation and pouf, a boost for morale, a space to assert their potentness, to relieve the assay and panic of combat, and an outlet from strict multitude discipline (Yoshimi, 53).The following interview of one Japanese soldier highlights the mental find out and impressiveness of the reposeableness women to the Japanese soldiers scour though we had just returned from lengthy military operations at the front, the thought of having sex made us leave right off for the treasure women. When we arrived at where the women were, soldiers took their place in line and mulled everyplace life and death turn postponement for the ir turn. There was nothing else like the supreme feeling of completeness that the soldiers deliverd when good-natured in sex with the women. This was the that way for them to whole-heartedly escape from their abnormal existence (Yoshimi, 54-55). The advocacy and rationale for the comfort women system reveal the dependency of the military on women. The comfort women system was considered an important element for the war efforts, even if only temporary.Why Korean Comfort Women?Approximately 80% of the 100,000 to 200,000 comfort women were Korean with ages ranging from 13 to mid-20s (Yoshimi, 67). The question that can be elucidated from this statistic is simple wherefore were the mass of the comfort women Korean? The exercise to this question can be answered with the military usually does not need or want- all women to provide all these militarize assistances. Rather, political sympathies officials have essential women of some classes and some races and some ages to serve some of these flows (Enloe 2000, 44). Furthermore, in order to hike up nail the determinants to why this marginalized group was targeted, there call for to be an engagement with the interplay of global relations of power around gender, race, nationality, and the economy (Kempadoo, 29). These implicit in(p) intertwining ideologies and institutions that have contributed to the explicit targeting of Korean women for the Japanese comfort stations need to be explored.Racial Ideologies RacismThe excessive wont of Korean women for the Japanese comfort system is directly linked to the elements of racism. This phenomenon can be analyzed by the intertwined relationship between colonialism, race, tenderly constructed gender ideologies. As Sara Ahmed emphasizes, a consideration of cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism is important for two main reasons. First it demands that womens lib reject any approach,which isolates the production of gender from race and colo nialism. As a result, it requires us to consider how certain feminisms may themselves function as part of the colonialist culture (138). With this frame process in mind, it can be elucidated that the targeting of Korean women stems from the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 from which Korea became a protectorate of Japan and later officially colonized in 1910. Despite the fact that Korea had become a colony under Japans rule, the Japanese government and societys sentiment dictated that the Korean creation was cool it considered to be racially inferior (Tanaka, 96). magic spell exploiting and objectifying Korean women, the Japanese military did not see it appropriate to exploit their experience women to the same extent Japanese officials believed international laws were not relevant to Japans colonies, and this, combined with the picture in the superiority of Japanese women and the suitability of women of other races for prostitution, cemented to use Korean women from the colonie s as comfort women (Tanaka, 97) The Korean comfort women were positioned and identified as uncivilized, inferior, subjugated, and promiscuous by the Japanese manlike colonial mindset. Derogatory and sexualized words, accompanied by violence, were used against the Korean comfort women at the comfort stations as racially discriminatory identifiers of the superior and the inferior groups. These words included Ppagayor Senpino kuseni which translates to Idiot Nothing but a Korean cunt (Yoshimi, 113).Enloe explains that objectifying foreign women makes it easier for military officials to marginalize them it was far easier for commanders to post women if they could be portrayed as rootless, promiscuous, parasitic, and chiefly a drag on the militarys discipline and battle ardour (2000, 40). The images inscribed on the inferior, colonized Korean comfort women rose from the colonialist, racial, and masculine institutions. The importance of the intersection of these institutions is empha sized by Kempadoo a large number of women upon whose bodies and fatigue such constructions of manfulness depend are of nations, races, and ethnicities other than those of men is a reality that cannot be neglected or ignore (31). These constructions of the Korean comfort womens identities fabricated a justification that only naturalized the Japanese nations domination over Korean through the Korean comfort women.Gender Ideologies Sexualized Femininity/Militarized masculinity During World War II, the prominently patriarchal nature of the Japanese society reestablished the preexisting gendered, dichotomous construction of sexual practice for both men and women in which the degree of masculinity of soldiers was greatly dependent on the comfort women. Cynthia Enloe highlights this notion by recognizing that the women were one of the strengths, which keep the military organization (Enloe 1988, 187). Enloe draws attention to this dependency by stating the military needs women as the gender women to provide men with masculinity reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of pass (Enloe 1988, 214). During World War II, within the Japanese military, there were accessiblely constructed forms of masculinity and femininity that were built by the onset of war and the military. The service of and dependency on the objectified womens bole stems from what Carole Vance explains to be social constructions of gender and sexuality, not as natural and unchanging biologicly determined notions of gender and sexuality. Socially constructed gender roles have shaped sexuality as a form of power (Mackinnon, 2).Catherine Mackinnon further describes these powerful gender roles the social bes we know as man and cleaning woman are bound by social requirements of heterosexuality, which institutionalizes phallic sexual domination and female sexual submission The womans indistinguishability becomes inexplicably attached to her sexuality, becoming that which is most of her own, yet is most interpreted away (Tong, 111). sexual practice becomes distorted into an ideal of sexuality that reduces women to sexual objects while placing men as the dominating, sexual subject. The highly hierarchical gender system of Japan during World War II fostered an inequality between men and women in which men create the demand and women are the supply (Hughes, 11). The objectification of the Korean women was necessary for the mobilization of men. (Enloe 2000). During times of war, the ideologies of masculinity that their love and keep can only be met by worldness masculine, powerful, and ultimately scarlet are fuelled (Kokopeli, 233). This is because the military as a social institution is constructed by ideals of male sexuality.The sexualization of the female body aids the military in the marginalization of women as it depicts women as objects and tools for the soldiers sexual merriment. Vance states that all social construction approaches adopt the view that phy sically identical sexual acts may have varying social significance and infixed meaning depends on how they are defined and understood in different cultures and historical periods (29). Militarized masculinities are sexualized in violent forms, which was clearly the case among the Japanese soldiers. The socially constructed maidenlike identity operator at the time was one of which sexuality was plainly intentional to service someone men and male defined institutions. This explanation creates a groundwork for the upheld rigid distinctions between masculine and womanish ideals in the Japanese society during World War II. For the Japanese male soldiers, the militarized masculine model of sexuality bodily notions of dominance, destruction, aggression, and sexual conquest. On the other hand, the Korean comfort women subjected to this patriarchal society were merely reduced to submissive, obedient, and sexual tools.Enloe likewise argues that wartime sexual violence provides ma sculinity-reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering (1988, 214). The practice of going to the comfort stations to have sex with the comfort women became a routine for the Japanese soldiers the women were seen as a necessary evil (Tanaka, 67). Whereas on the battlefield, the Japanese soldiers had little control, having sex with women against their will gave the men the masculine power of dominance and self-assertion. In battle, Japanese soldiers were merely seen as military ammunition for combat, but they were able to fortify their own masculine subjectivity and function through the sexual objectification of Korean comfort women.This can be comprehended through the account of one Korean comfort woman, Yi Sunok There were many times when I was almost obliterateed. If I refused to do what one man asked, he would come back drunk and panicen me with his sword. Others simply arrived drunk, and had carnal knowledge with their swords stuck in the tatami. This le ft the tatami scarred, but this crystalise of behavior was more of a threat to make me accede to their desires and give them blessedness (Tanaka, 56). The Korean comfort women provided an environment where the men could reinforce militarized masculine at the expense of the womens dehumanization as well as their mental and physical health. The Korean comfort women not only suffered enforced sex, but sex routinely accompanied by routine violence and torture.Although the comfort women station system was fricative throughout World War II, it was rationalized by socially constructed, yet biologicly justified, notions of male sexuality. Vance would call this justification as biological determinism, which is the imprint that biology determines fundamentally all behavior and actions. The belief that the comfort women were needed because of the male Japanese soldiers biologically determined, intractable sexual needs can be comprehend in the secret penning by a psychiatrist of the Kon odai army hospital in 1939 The army government activity established comfort stationsbecause they fictitious that it was impossible to suppress the sexual nerve impulse of soldiers.The main purposes of setting up comfort facilities were to relieve soldiers of casual stresses by braggy them a sense of sexual satisfaction and to prevent rapes which would damage the reputation of the gallant army from happening (Yoshimi, 1992, 228). This understanding of male sexuality inadvertently reduces the rationale for the comfort station system to a biological one. It justifies the creation of the comfort women system as unavoidable and inevitable as though there was no other solution. The biological determinism argument is a legitimizing tool for it positions this constructed masculinity as outside of human control. The image of uncontrollable military male sexuality rooted in the nature rationale only suspends moral and legal restrains on the comfort women system while perpetuating and c onfirming the womens objectified, subordinate position. Socioeconomic StatusThe majority of the Korean women that were targeted in the comfort station system were from a low socioeconomic class. Hughes reiterates this point by pointing out that scratchers of areas in the sex industry take proceeds of poverty, unemployment and a desire to emigrate to recruit and traffic women into the sex industry (11). Hughes also includes a report from the Womens nongovernmental organization which states, economic hard times has protract to a depression of womens psychological state with a loss of self esteem and hope for the future. Women accept unconvert offers of employment in unskilled jobs at high salaries with the resignation that it cannot be worse than their exhibit lives. Recruiters for the sex industry target the most economically depresses areas (12). The Korean women of low economic status and class were open to the deceitful recruitment methods of the Japanese. Forexample, the Korean population in the Japanese colonized territories was very poor during World War II because Japan had taken any on tap(predicate) means of production of food and clothes for the war effort (Argibay, 378).This left most of the young Korean women and girls living in poverty and starting menial labor at a very early age in order to support their families. Recruiters would encourage compliance by convincing the women that they would obtain high paid jobs as seamstresses and nurses or workings in a hospital or a grind (Stetz, 10). One comfort women named Suntok Kim recalls that when she was universe recruited, the prospects of being a comfort woman for the Japanese seemed promising because she came from a poor family and had no education. Working in a grind was far better than her current working and living conditions (Stetz, 10). Furthermore, the U.S. Office of War dubiousness Report No. 49 reports that when being recruited Korean women assumed that comfort service consisted of visiting wounded soldiers and generally fashioning the soldiers happy, and that many Korean women enlisted on the hind end of these misrepresentations (Arigbay, 378)Another means of recruitment that targeted Koreans of low socioeconomic class was through the method of debt bondage, indenturing the Korean comfort women to the Japanese military. economically destitute rural families were deceived into thinking that they had a choice of whether or not to sell their daughters to the Japanese military however, in reality, they were being coerced with violence and had no agency in this matter. umteen reports have indicated that families who refused to sell their daughters were killed and girls taken to the Japanese military bases after. The Japanese would also threaten to destroy the whole village, kill the elders and children and commit other violent measures (Arigbay, 278). many another(prenominal) Korean comfort women did not have the agency, autonomy, or the economic option to rival Japanese forces. Offering a remuneration was simply a customary machination by the Japanese military to justify their methods in taking these powerless Korean women.Continuum of Injustice & Invisibility in the washStigmatization Cultural & Social InstitutionsIn the aftermath of World War II, the experiences of the comfort women were tranquilized for approximately 50 years. This silence was finally broken in the early 1990s when the emergence was brought to light as motive comfort women began to release their testimonies to the public. When this telephone number began to gain public attention, the Japanese government immediately declared that the comfort women system did not exist in the Japanese military and thus there could be no question of any excuse, memorial, or disclosures by the Japanese government (Uncomfortable Truths).To this day, comfort women are still waiting for an apology for the violation of their human rights and for the objectification of their bodie s and identities from the Japanese government. Many grassroots organizations and feminist groups have been created since the early 1990s to draw attention to issue of the comfort women. These include the Korean interrogation Institute for Chongsindae and the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Sexual thralldom by Japan. Since the early 1990s over one hundred women in southwest Korea have registered with the Korean government as former comfort women (Kim, 74).However, despite these efforts, the desolate question of why the surviving Korean comfort women were silenced for so long still stay ons. The surviving women have not only suffered from mental and physical injuries, but also had to suffer from additional social injuries. Many of the surviving Korean comfort women have had to live a bladetized and stray life as they tried to fool back into the communities. They were condemned to live out their lives as social, pariahs, shunned by their families, tortured by smirch a nd illness, some sent mad by their ordealsome committed suicide, others became huffy (Askin, 13). This stigmatization can be attributed to the Confucian societies in Korea for the Korean comfort women were products of this culture. The Confucian definition of the traditional feminine identity highlights docility and emphasizes chastity as a womans most important fair play (Stetz, 13).As Iris Chang reiterates Asian Confucianism-particularly Korean Confucianism- upheld female purity as a virtue greater than life and perpetuated the belief that any woman who could live through such a degrading experience and not commit suicide was herself an abuse to society This cultural ideology demanded that unmarried women must be virgins and blamed the women for not being able to prevent any forms of sexual violation (53). With high moral order attached to chastity and purity, the comfort women ever emerged from their wartime experiences defiled, yet unable to accuse their abusers (Askin, 25). The fear of isolation and stigma from their defilement only silenced them, leaving these sexual atrocities in the dark for 50 years. The internalization of this feminine identity caused Korean comfort women to overlook self-respect, to live in dishearten, and ultimately perpetuate their own stigmatization.Furthermore, the social stigma and shame attached to rape and sex were fostered by Korean society and the Korean comfort womens own families. Patty Kelly explains this stigma as a blemish of individual character that the women cannot escapethe stigmatized person is perceived as possessing weak will, unnatural passions, and perfidious beliefs (192). The stigma of rape and sex be has implications on community, family, and responsibility. Kelly asserts that stigma associated with sex work circumscribes ones social relationscauses fear and shamecreates inauthenticity in daily life (194). Keith Howard describes the lives that the surviving Korean comfort women had to endure in their communities When they returned to Koreathey were neither flock nor chaste. They were not exemplary women.The families of the comfort women feared the proscription they would suffer if the shameful quondam(prenominal) were detect the women became an extra burden, and there was little chance to marry them off (7). This social stigma and discrimination oppressed the surviving Korean comfort women. As Kelly points out, social relations with the family were tainted. Some of the Korean comfort women were seen as a disgrace to their family by their own family and by the rest of society. One Korean comfort woman by the name of Tokchin Kim has revealed that the honor of her family and the relationship with her family hindered her from publicizing her experience, which only allowed the comfort station system to remain invisible. Tokchin Kim had tried to register at the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual slavery by Japan as a former comfort woman. However, her nephew expressed You will only bring trouble on your family and your children will be traumatized (Yoshimi, 49). Because of the stigmatization, humiliation, and disgrace that inevitably arose from their past as comfort women, the Korean comfort womens experiences had unjustly remained hidden for an unjustified amount of time.ConclusionThe Japanese comfort stations during World War II completely disregarded comfort womens rights and silenced their past as a product of the rationale for the system. Leatherman explicates that the silences and justifications undergirded the economic, social, cultural, and political power structures of patriarchy. Patriarchy is a hierarchal social order centered on rife or hegemonic forms of masculinity (4). The justifications and invisibility stem from the intersection of socially constructed gender, cultural, racial, and socioeconomic institutions. Comfort women have had to unjustly bear the shame, ostracism, and dishonor that should be imputed to the perp etrator of sexual violence (Askin, 31).There has been a continuum of this disregard into the present day as the Japanese government has failed to give an official apology for their wartime atrocities after 50 years of ignoring the existence of comfort women. This untiring neglect reproduces injustice and invisibility of the comfort women to this day. As of right now, there are only 63 registered Korean comfort women in South Korea waiting out their last years to be fully recognized as comfort women by the Japanese government. In order for there to be any strides in this movement, it is imperative that the social and gender hierarchies encumbering Japanese and Korean societies be deconstructed and reevaluated. 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